Where was homeland security?

Apparently during the night, New Jersey, despite sharing no common border with us, has somehow managed to annex Virginia. How else to explain the sky-is-falling silliness emanating from the pro-Marshall/Newman crowd?

Here’s a little quiz: Is there a risk that the District of Columbia’s gun statute will be suddenly transported across the Potomac, and start governing the issuance of gun licenses to Virginians?

I don’t think so, either.

So how is it that otherwise intelligent people would forget all about state sovereignty and fall for the idea that a ruling by the Supreme Court of another state, that draws on the legislative history of that state, is a reflection of the public policy and public opinion of that state, and only applies to the residents of that state, could possibly have any bearing on what happens in Virginia?

The answer is that a campaign to convince Virginians to vote for something they don’t really agree with is losing steam, and its leaders think they can use the tired “activist judges!” meme to revive it. The problem is the same one they’ve had from the beginning: That their entire argument is baseless.

Here’s another quiz: How many lies are contained in this single sentence, from the Focus on the Family website?

The justices have made clear their disdain and disrespect for the true decision makers in our democracy – the people – as well as for the institution of marriage.

The only sense in which this might be true is that the “true decision makers” in New Jersey favor full marriage equality for same sex couples. An “activist” court might have bent to the will of the people and found a fundamental right to marriage in the New Jersey constitution, but this court made it quite clear that they couldn’t find one. This is in spite of a strong legislative history of advances toward equality for GLBT people in New Jersey, which is very much the opposite of what we have in Virginia. The court has explicitly stated that amending New Jersey’s marriage law is “a matter left to the democratic process,” and further, that

Plaintiff’s quest does not end here. They must now appeal to their fellow citizens whose voices are heard through their popularly elected representatives.

Is there really a serious argument to be made against this by those who claim the mantle of conservatism?

It requires genuine moral bankruptcy to pervert this ruling to the purpose of campaigning for Ballot Question #1, but some of our fellow travelers have managed to do it.

Courts in New Jersey, or in any other state, have no influence on judges in Viriginia – which, by the way, is the only state in the union in which the legislature is wholly responsible for both nominating and electing judges.

Even more importantly, everything that was wrong with Ballot Question #1 yesterday is still wrong with it today.

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Commonwealth Coalition responds to NJ ruling

No doubt anticipating desperate spinning action by proponents of Ballot Question #1, The Commonwealth Coaliiton released the following statement in response to the New Jersey Supreme Court decision. Do we really need to be reminded that Virginia is unaffected by the laws of other states? Probably. I was quite recently reminded of this excellent George Orwell quote:

We have now sunk to a depth at which the restatement of the obvious is the first duty of intelligent men.

New Jersey Decision Is A Decision for New Jersey That Reflects New Jersey’s History and Policy Decisions; Virginia Law Unaffected

The Commonwealth Coalition issued the following statement today in response to the decision of the New Jersey Supreme Court in Lewis, et al v. Harris:

The decision in New Jersey is a decision for New Jersey made by a New Jersey court under the New Jersey Constitution and in light of that state’s history and well-established public policy of being in the “forefront of combating sexual orientation discrimination and advancing equality of treatment toward gays and lesbians.” New Jersey’s legislature outlawed discrimination based on sexual orientation in 1992 and discrimination based on domestic partner status in 2004. The legislature passed a domestic partnership act in 2004, the same year that Virginia passed the Affirmation of Marriage Act banning same sex civil unions and domestic partnerships.

Virginia’s sovereignty in our federal system ensures that neither the New Jersey Constitution nor the state’s marriage licensing and domestic partnership laws (like their professional and gun licensing laws) have any effect in Virginia. Virginia has had a law on the books banning gay marriage since 1975 — a law that was strengthened in 1997 to prohibit any recognition for marriages entered into in other states that violate this ban and in 2004 to prohibit recognition of other state’s civil unions and domestic partnerships.

The decision of the New Jersey court does not in any way threaten Virginia law. Moreover, it is just silly to say that the actions of New Jersey judges tell us anything about how Virginia judges will interpret Virginia’s constitution. For one thing, Virginia is the only state in the nation where the legislature has the exclusive authority to nominate and elect all judges. As the former chair of the House Courts of Justice Committee which interviews and determines the qualification of all judges up for appointment or reappointment in Virginia, Attorney General Bob McDonnell well knows that the legislature has not been afraid to fail to appoint or reappoint any person who the legislature deemed “activist.”

Finally, and perhaps, most importantly, the decision of the New Jersey Supreme Court, like the opinions in other recent court decisions in New York and Washington, underscores the important role that the legislature plays in determining public policy as the “popularly elected representatives of the people.” It is, indeed, ironic that a principle effect of the proposed amendment to Virginia’s constitution is that it would take away from the legislature any future role in the process of determining Virginia’s public policy regarding marriage and its benefits, rights, obligations, qualities, significance, design or effects and place those decisions in the hands of judges.

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NJ Court hands down mixed ruling

The decision in the New Jersey marriage equality case was just announced. It’s similar to the Vermont ruling: Same sex couples are entitled to a legally recognized union defined by the legislature, but implementing marriage equality is “a matter left to the democratic process.” 56% of New Jersey voters support full marriage equality for gay couples.

The Court had this to say:

Although plaintiffs rely on the federal cases to support the argument that they have a fundamental right to marry under our State Constitution, those cases fall far short of establishing a fundamental right to same-sex marriage “deeply rooted in the traditions, history, and conscience of the people of this State.” Despite the rich diversity of this State, the tolerance and goodness of its people, and the many recent advances made by gays and lesbians toward achieving social acceptance and equality under the law, the Court cannot find that the right to same-sex marriage is a fundamental right under our constitution.

Fine. Let the legislature do its job.

Summary of opinion
Washington Post

Equality Virginia Responds to New Jersey Marriage Ruling To Provide Marriage Fairness or Civil Unions

(Richmond, October 25) – Today the New Jersey Supreme Court ruled that gay couples have a right to equal benefits and the same protections as married couples, but left it up to the legislature to declare whether those rights and benefits would be encompassed in marriage fairness, or in creating civil unions with the same rights and benefits of marriage.

“Ruling that all couples should be treated equally under the law under the New Jersey Constitution will offer protections for those families who have struggled to care for each other and their children, which is an important step,” said Dyana Mason, Equality Virginia Executive Director. “Basically, the ruling says gay couples should be provided equal rights, but don’t inherently have a right to call it ‘marriage’ as defined by that state.”

In its decision, the court stated, “The Court holds that under the equal protection guarantee of Article I, Paragraph 1 of the New Jersey Constitution, committed same-sex couples must be afforded on equal terms the same rights and benefits enjoyed by opposite-sex couples under the civil marriage statutes. The name to be given to the statutory scheme that provides full rights and benefits to same-sex couples, whether marriage or some other term, is a matter left to the democratic process.”

They also ordered the New Jersey legislature to either “amend the marriage statutes to include same-sex couples, or it could create a separate statutory structure, such as a civil union” within 180 days.

In 2000 the Vermont Supreme Court ruled in a similar fashion. In that case, the legislature chose to enact civil unions for same-sex couples, becoming the first state in the nation to formally recognize gay and lesbian relationships with a legal status.

“This decision does not impact Virginia’s laws since it is based on the New Jersey Constitution. Here, rather than moving forward and recognizing the inherent rights of all Virginians our elected officials chose instead to support an effort that will write discrimination in our Bill of Rights and prevent relationship recognition for all unmarried couples in the state,” said Mason.

The New Jersey case was filed in June 2002, by Lambda Legal on behalf of seven same-sex couples seeking the right to marry. In November 2003, a New Jersey Superior judge dismissed the case, Lewis et. al. v. Harris, saying that the state constitution does not guarantee same-sex couples that right. The appropriate forum to change marriage laws is the state Legislature, the judge ruled.

An intermediate appellate court upheld the dismissal in June 2005. The case was appealed to the state Supreme Court and arguments took place on Feb. 15, 2006.

According to a 2006 Zogby poll, 56% of New Jersey residents support allowing same-sex couples to marry and 67% oppose putting an amendment on the ballot to deny gay couples the right to marry.

Currently, Massachusetts is the only state that recognizes the rights of gay and lesbian couples to marry. Canada, the Netherlands, Belgium and Spain have also extended marriage fairness, with many other countries providing some other form of relationship recognition.

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“Cuckoo’s Nest” Letter – Thanks Leesburg Today!

Sometimes it takes a while for hateful messages to soak in. I think this may be the result of “putting on the armor of God” to wage political battle against an ideology bent on destroying our very existence. Last night, David asked me to describe the two anti-marriage letters in Leesburg Today. I remembered Robert H. Follett’s response to David’s letter, but could not remember the content of the second letter from Steve Ford of Delgaudio’s Sterling. Mr. Ford’s letter may be an Amendment #1 proponent’s outer limit for public expression of anti-gay sentiment.

If we need to legally restate the definition of marriage in order to protect vulnerable children from adult predators, then I’m all for it. And, I’d hope all Virginians would be.

I thought the anti-marriage crowd was “protecting children” from couples who must “procure” them [sic] because they can’t biologically reproduce, or from families who would “consciously deny a child a mother or a father”. Lord knows how “adult predator” rounds out the picture. I don’t think Mr. Ford is a bigot or a homophobe. He just needs help.

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Reading comprehension

You know, with all the discussion of the Marshall/Newman amendment over the last several months, it’s remarkable that anyone still needs to point out that the language of the amendment, Ballot Question #1, is substantially different from that of the existing statute, the “Affirmation of Marriage Act,” formerly known as HB 751.

And yet, apologists for the amendment are still repeating the lie that there is no difference, as if they have never read and compared the two. Greg at Daily Whackjob lays them out, side by side, so everyone can go have a nice, long look. I’m not a fan of redundant posting, but this seems to be a difficult concept that warrents repetition. Therefore, here is yet another opportunity to take a nice, long look.

The “Affirmation of Marriage Act,” which was added to the existing statute:

§ 20-45.2. Marriage between persons of same sex.

A marriage between persons of the same sex is prohibited. Any marriage entered into by persons of the same sex in another state or jurisdiction shall be void in all respects in Virginia and any contractual rights created by such marriage shall be void and unenforceable.

(1975, c. 644; 1997, cc. 354, 365.)

§ 20-45.3. Civil unions between persons of same sex.

A civil union, partnership contract or other arrangement between persons of the same sex purporting to bestow the privileges or obligations of marriage is prohibited. Any such civil union, partnership contract or other arrangement entered into by persons of the same sex in another state or jurisdiction shall be void in all respects in Virginia and any contractual rights created thereby shall be void and unenforceable.

(2004, c. 983.)

Ballot Question #1, the Marshall/Newman so-called “marriage amendment”:

Question: Shall Article I (the Bill of Rights) of the Constitution of Virginia be amended to state:

“That only a union between one man and one woman may be a marriage valid in or recognized by this Commonwealth and its political subdivisions.

This Commonwealth and its political subdivisions shall not create or recognize a legal status for relationships of unmarried individuals that intends to approximate the design, qualities, significance, or effects of marriage. Nor shall this Commonwealth or its political subdivisions create or recognize another union, partnership, or other legal status to which is assigned the rights, benefits, obligations, qualities, or effects of marriage.”?

They are not the same. They are very different. “Persons of the same sex” does not have the same meaning as “unmarried individuals.” “Union” does not have the same meaning as “status.” The “Affirmation of Marriage Act” may be awful, but Ballot Question #1 is also impenetrable and unpredictable.

It goes far beyond the existing statute in three ways. First, there are approximately 130,000 couples consisting of “unmarried individuals” in Virginia. The vast majority of those, 89%, are straight couples. These straight couples are obviously not affected by the existing statute, while they obviously would be affected by the amendment.

Secondly, a “union,” as in “civil union,” is a specific kind of legal contract with a defined aggregation of rights and obligations. A “legal status” is…what, exactly? Nobody knows. The term has no meaning in Virginia law. The general definiiton of legal status is “a bundle of rights and obligations.” Being a party to a contract, any contract, is technically a “legal status.” It should be obvious that this undefined term, especially when combined with other subjective, expansive language, like “intends to approximate,” and the use of the word “or” rather than “and,” would not only be vulnerable to, but would require personal interpretation by a judge.

Finally, regulatory language about a controversial issue of the day does not belong in any constitution. Constitutions should express fundamental rights and principles, not one side of a social issues argument. Unlike the statute, the amendment would foreclose on the right of future voters to disagree with that opinion through representative government. (That, of course, is why it’s so “urgent.”)

It may very well be that what people mean to say when they repeat this lie is that the intent behind the two is the same. We will have to return to that later.

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Our signs are so not gay

Thus demonstrating that the Commonwealth Coalition is, in fact, a bunch of straight people who only care about boring, non-design oriented things like our Bill of Rights. Even Greg Letiecq can see this:

“Apparently the Commonwealth Coalition has decided to forego the considerable design talent that is usually associated with folks who are accepting of the “gay lifestyle” and engaged in an experiment to see if a plain white background with small lettering will be able to attract attention. These are the worst signs I’ve ever barely seen.”

Well, then. That ought to settle that once and for all.

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Introducing the Padilla traveling circus

Luis Padilla, fired by Cargill for refusing to refrain from displaying his anti-equality views to his co-workers, is being groomed for full blown martyrdom by Victoria Cobb, et al. Of course, every anti-gay media piece about the case consistently redacts or ignores the fact that Padilla was employed in Cargill’s human resources office, indicating that they know perfectly well the significance of this.

Here we have a fine example of the anti-gay right standing logic smartly on its head. In Cobb’s world, “valuing differences” means equally valuing those who demonize difference, and “everyone matters” means those who feel that some of us don’t matter at all should be treated as if their views matter just as much. Apparently, these folks are so caught up in the vortex of this circular reasoning that they are blind to how absurd it sounds.

“The legal letter that we have received back from Cargill’s legal department has basically said that they have these ‘Valuing Differences’ initiatives and they have this ‘Everyone Matters’ policy; and yet, apparently, Mr. Padilla’s views are not respected.”

What can you expect from an organization that calls itself the Family Foundation as it busies itself with trying to destroy other people’s families? It must make perfect sense to them to think that the universe of diversity and non-discrimination includes the rejection of diversity, and the right to discriminate.

They are milking Cargill’s decision to fire Padilla for all it’s worth. It’s a very creative attempt, sort of like the pretense that equal treatment under the law for everyone constitutes “special rights” for people they define as undeserving of equal treatment.

Sorry, Ms. Cobb. If you work in the human resources office of a company, your job is to uphold their non-discimination policies, not make up your own policy that includes your personal right to discriminate. Especially when you have worked at the company for only five months. One has to wonder about a prior relationship between Padilla and the Family Foundation. The timing of this incident is certainly interesting.

All viewpoints, no matter now noxious, are entitled to equal treatment in a public forum. But this was not a public forum.

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