It’s official; they lied.

We previously reported the fact that the Ohio organization most responsible for passage of that state’s version of the Marshall/Newman amendment, Citizens for Community Values, had filed an amicus brief in a domestic violence case. The brief argues that unmarried perpetrators can’t be prosecuted under Ohio’s domestic violence statute because to do so would recognize “a legal status for relationships of unmarried individuals that intends to approximate the design, qualities, significance or effect of marriage.”

During the campaign for the amendment, CCV had characterized concerns about its potential impact on unmarried victims of domestic violence as a “fear tactic” and “absurd.”

From the brief:

CCV’s strong interest in this case is to ensure that the plain and unambiguous text of the Marriage Amendment is properly applied by this Court in the context of this case, and to prevent unwarrented judicial construction of the amendment which might diminish its operational effect. CCV believes a case such as this could lead to an inadvertent narrowing of the scope of the amendment by the Court, as the motivation is great to preserve an understandably popular statute in its present form.

That statute is Ohio’s domestic violence law. The defendent in this case, being prosecuted for assaulting his girlfriend, claims that the use of the domestic violence statute against him is unconstitutional because they are not married.

The domestic violence statute’s inclusion (in the list of relationships containing potential victims of domestic violence) of the relationship of the alleged offender and a “person living as a spouse” is certainly a relationship that intends to approximate (one or more of) the “design, qualities, significance or effect of marriage.” As noted by the court below, the Marriage Amendment prohibits the State from creating or recognizing a legal status for relationships of unmarried individuals that intends to approximate the design, qualities, significance or effect of marriage. Thus, whether the challenged provision of the domestic violence statute violates the Ohio Constitution hinges on whether the State has created or recognized such a “legal status” for that relationship, and whether that legal status is intended to approximate marriage. CCV proposes that such a prohibited status indeed has been accomplished in the domestic violence statute.

Contrary to claims by proponents of the Marshall/Newman amendment that the Third Appellate District ruling (holding that the application of domestic violence law to unmarried couples does violate the constitution) “misinterprets” the intent of the amendment, CCV leaves no doubt about what the amendment is intended to prohibit:

In State v. McKinley, 2006-Ohio-2507, the Third Appellate District properly interpreted the Marriage Amendment on this point, stating the “relationship must intend to approximate marriage, not the statute itself.” (Emphasis in original.) For the status is inextricably bound up in the purpose of the relationship referenced in the statute.

This is very revealing. Attorney General McDonnell and others have been arguing all along that all the Marshall/Newman amendment will do is to prohibit the government from creating a “legal status” such as civil unions or domestic partnerships, or from recognizing such a status granted by other states. They insist that it will not prohibit the enforcement of specific contractual rights or other legal protections enjoyed by two people, regardless of “the relationship.”

Now that the Ohio amendment is in effect, CCV is giving us a preview of coming attractions. They are essentially arguing that it is the intent of the two people who are cohabiting as domestic partners that determines whether or not any rights claimed by them through existing law can be recognized by the state, not the intent of the existing law itself.

It remains to be seen how the court will rule. The point here is that this argument is being made by the very same group that spearheaded the campaign for the amendment and dismissed such predictions as “absurd.”

But wait – there’s more:

The focus of the second sentence of the Marriage Amendment is not on the benefits or obligations assigned to those in the relationship which is given a legal status – it is on the status itself. These two matters (benefits and status) must be assiduously distinguished for the amendment to be properly understood.

The Marriage Amendment does not proscribe the extension of benefits to persons in marriage-mimicking relationships. Rather, it proscribes the very legal recognition of the relationships in the first place, for any purpose.

Interesting. In the Marshall/Newman amendment there is the addition of a third sentence, which reads:

Nor shall this Commonwealth or its political subdivisions create or recognize another union, partnership, or other legal status to which is assigned the rights, benefits, obligations, qualities, or effects of marriage.

What we’ve heard from amendment proponents is that this seemingly redundant language merely restates the content of the second sentence for greater clarity. (Move along, nothing to see here, thank you, move along.)

What is the real purpose of this additional sentence, if not to eliminate the possibility of benefits being granted to unmarried couples on some basis other than a legal status that is already established in law? This language would open the door to an argument that the granting of a benefit itself constitutes recognizing a “legal status.” It is intended to close the loophole identified in the Ohio amendment: “The Marriage Amendment does not proscribe the extension of benefits to persons in marriage-mimicking relationships.”

CCV is proposing that changes to the language of Ohio’s domestic violence statute will solve the problem presented by cases such as this. Their solution is to change the categories of persons eligible for protection under the domestic violence statute to include “household member,” the argument being that if household members in general are encompassed, the state is not extending benefits solely on the basis of recognizing a “marriage-mimicking relationship.”

This is the same argument that Marshall/Newman proponents make when they claim that the language of the Virginia domestic violence statute is different from Ohio’s. Virginia’s domestic violence law does indeed refer to “family and household members” rather than “person living as a spouse,” so it would initially seem that a court could not interpret it as recognizing “a legal status to which is assigned the rights, benefits, obligations, qualities, or effects of marriage.” However, when former Attorney General Gilmore was asked to issue an official opinion with regard to whether the statute applied to same sex couples, he stated that it only applied to couples who were within the legal definition of “cohabiting,” which means…“living as man and wife.” This interpretation has been upheld, including by the Virginia Supreme Court, since 1994.

Unlike the amendment itself, this is “plain language.” Since the Marshall/Newman amendment would prohibit the recognition of a legal status for relationships of unmarried individuals that intends to approximate the design, qualities, significance or effect of marriage, AND would prohibit the recognition of another union, partnership, or other legal status to which is assigned the rights, benefits, obligations, qualities, or effects of marriage, these unmarried “family and household members” who are either same sex OR “living as man and wife” would clearly be excluded from Virginia’s domestic violence statute. To do otherwise would require overturning this precedent.

We still haven’t managed to locate any “activist judges” in Virginia, so this seems unlikely.

All together now: Vote NO, Virginia!

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The AG won’t answer my questions, either

But not just my questions, any hard questions about the Marshall/Newman amendment. During a live blog with Vivian Paige last night, our AG was asked several good questions about the amendment and it’s reach into the lives of all unmarried Virginians.

Here’s what he chose to say:

The General Assembly has placed the ballot question before the citizens to raise to a level of constitutional protection several statutory provisions limiting marriage to one man and one woman and prohibiting civil unions and similar relationships. The amendment was proposed in the wake of the United States and Massachusetts Supreme Court decisions which created a concern that the state’s Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) might be invalidated on constitutional grounds.

Opponents have stated that the constitutional amendment will affect the ordinary civil rights of Virginians concerning wills, contracts, and advanced medical directives, as well as weakening protections for unmarried partners who are victims of domestic violence. I believe legally this is absolutely incorrect. The General Assembly’s Privileges and Elections committees passed an official explanation of the Amendment with a strong bi-partisan majority, Democrats and Republicans, agreeing with that legal analysis. The central issue is whether marriage in Virginia should remain between one man and one woman. That is what November’s vote is about.

This canned response does not answer either of the questions he was purporting to respond to. Even the question from an amendment proponent that was designed to elicit this statement specifically asked him to address the impact on common law marriages entered into in other states.

The AG also refused to answer these questions:

How do long term gay relationships “threaten” anyone’s marriage?

Why does the amendment extend to all unmarried people the prohibitions on civil unions and other legal arrangements that currently apply only to same sex relationships?

Why are amendment proponents refusing to talk about the fact that this extension is a significant change to existing law and a huge piece of social engineering?

What are the potential ramifications of elevating a specific definition of marriage to the same status as the religious liberty clause in our Bill of Rights?

Do you agree that there is evidence of animus in the motivations of legislators to prohibit the legal recognition of same sex relationships?

And finally, the AG failed to answer Vivian’s very important follow up question regarding his earlier statements about the official “explanation”:

Mr. McDonnell

At the time the explanation was passed, the Washington Post reported:

Several constitutional scholars and a House staff attorney who penned the original language for the committee said in interviews Wednesday that they believed the approved language went beyond the limits of state law.

The language “carries with it some problems under the neutrality standard . . . because it argues points that proponents and opponents have already brought before committees,” the attorney, Mary Spain, told the committee.

“Discretion is the better part of valor here,” said Carl Tobias, a constitutional law professor at the University of Richmond. “ . . . This could potentially be very misleading for voters, and that’s not neutral.”

You say the committee passed the lanuage with “strong-bipartisan support” but the vote was 12-6 vote (nays: Scott, Brink, Alexander, Sickles, Dance, Englin – all Democrats). Do you still believe that the explanation was neutral and not in violation of the Code?

As Attorney General for the Commonwealth, do you not have a responsibility to advocate for all of its citizens?

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Short attention span?

In one of the funniest things another blogger has ever said to me, Insider made this earth-stopping observation:

Gee, David. I’m noticing you refuse to say you oppose gay marriage.

More about that later, because I couldn’t help noticing this.

The Virginian-Pilot has an article about growing business community opposition to the Marshall/Newman amendment. In contrast to business leaders who are concerned about interference with their ability to be competitive in the marketplace,

The Family Foundation lobbied unsuccessfully against a 2005 law that allowed businesses to extend health insurance coverage to domestic partners as well as siblings, in-laws and others living in the same household as an employee.

Under previous law, Virginia allowed businesses to offer such benefits only to spouses and dependent children. Companies large enough to be self-insured were not required to comply with the old law, but businesses pressed lawmakers to remove the restriction because it hampered efforts to recruit workers to the state.

Are we to believe that this organization and the legislators who do its bidding, having tried so hard to prevent private companies from winning this right, have made an about face and would now defend the right of private companies to insure the family members of their employees? That’s what they’re asking voters to believe when they claim that the concerns of the business community are a “red herring.”

There is nothing that would prevent someone (with help from the Some Families Foundation and the ADF, of course) from filing a lawsuit challenging the provision of domestic partner benefits as an attempt to “approximate” the benefits of marriage. For the government to “recognize” a status simply means in this context for the government to uphold the enforcement of that status in the face of legal challenge. As Jackson Landers points out, there is nothing in the amendment language that makes an exception for any kind of contract or arrangement. For a judge to rule that the paamendment doesn’t apply to any specific arrangement would require legislating from the bench. It would mean that a judge, instead of taking the language at face value, would have to (wink, wink) decide what the legislature meant to include and exclude.

If I’m wrong about the intent of the anti-gay organizations that are advocating for this amendment, please educate me. Demonstrate my error by stating, on the record, that if a private business were sued for providing domestic partner benefits, on the grounds that doing so creates a status that “intends to approximate the design, qualities, significance, or effects of marriage” or “to which is assigned the rights, benefits, obligations, qualities, or effects of marriage” that these organizations would defend the legal right of this business to extend benefits to the partners of gay employees.

This invitation is extended to anyone representing an organization that is working to pass this amendment, or any individual working to pass the amendment.

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Cypress Project To Combat Hate Crimes

Leesburg Today
August 25, 2006
By Charlie Jackson

Religious groups, businesses and other organizations announced the launch of a foundation dubbed The Cypress Project dedicated to helping those targeted by anti-gay hate crimes across the state.

Loudoun Sheriff’s Office spokesman Kraig Troxell said a recent vandalism of a gay couple’s Aldie home is being investigated as a hate crime, the first such incident in recent memory.

The Cypress Project was developed, according to David Weintraub of the gay rights group Equality Loudoun, out of the response community members made to the Aldie incident.

Read the article

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Opposing Sides Ready For Battle Over Marriage Amendment

Leesburg Today
August 25, 2006
By Charlie Jackson

Battle lines have been drawn in Loudoun County and across the commonwealth by the opposing sides in the battle over gay marriage.

Defeating the amendment would make history, according to David Weintraub, president of Equality Loudoun, the local arm of Commonwealth Coalitions which is set to fight attempts from conservatives to alter the state’s Bill of Rights to deny marriage to same-sex couples – though there already is state law that forbids such an act.

But Weintraub sees the movement as a way to write discrimination into the state constitution.

“They are asking people to put language in the bill of rights to make all unmarried Virginians second class citizens,” Weintraub said.

And that’s going to be the crux of the fight in the commonwealth – a battle over the language of and exactly what passing the referendum would mean.

Read the article

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Why won’t Sophrosyne answer my questions?

I’m making a list, and checking it when the spirit so moves me. It’s a list of unanswered questions I and others have posed to NoVA Townhall contributor Sophrosyne, who appears to be the more or less “official” spokesperson for the Marshall/Newman amendment on that blog.

There’s getting to be quite a backlog of unanswered questions, some of them asked four or five times now. These are not difficult questions that should require hours of research, just simple ones that a knowledgeable advocate of the amendment should be able to answer. I don’t think I’m asking for anything unreasonable.

For instance, I and others have asked for a definitive list of the “rights, benefits, obligations, qualities or effects of marriage,” since the proposed amendment would prohibit the recognition of a “legal status” to which these things are “assigned.” What, exactly, are they? If Virginians are being asked to permanently prohibit themselves from accessing these things, they certainly have the right to know what they are, I would think. And yet, requests for this information are met with silence.

I have also asked, numerous times, for an explanation of the curious and frequently used phrase “the two complementary parts of the human organism.” This, as I’ve pointed out elsewhere, sounds suspiciously like the Victorian idea that individual men and women are incomplete, and each must be sexually united with a person of the “opposite” sex in order to become fully human.

This belief is otherwise (meaning when the pretense of a secular argument is not needed) known as “God’s design.” It is a purely religious argument about sex, namely that people should only engage in sexual activity within marriage and for the purpose of procreation.

The “incomplete organism” idea goes quite a bit beyond opposition to same sex marriage. It strongly suggests the belief that unmarried people of any sexual orientation are substandard and leading inferior lives. Logically, such incomplete non-people should not be entitled to the same rights and privileges as The Favored Ones – which, lo and behold, would be the result of the Marshall/Newman amendment. The very broad wording of this amendment is not an accident.

Sophrosyne also likes to talk about a “slippery slope.” Fair enough. There is, in fact, a very slippery slope involved here. Given that the above belief is the underlying impetus for the amendment, it’s fair to ask: What’s next?

What other rights that unmarried people currently have will be challenged, using the amendment language as justification, or perhaps even by future amendments? We’ve already seen attempts by Delegate Marshall to prohibit unmarried women from using assistive reproductive technology. If, as Sophrosyne and her friends like to say, “every child deserves a mother and a father,” what’s to stop the next amendment from prohibiting divorce if a couple has children together? Why not mandate that any woman who gives birth be forced to marry the father?

How about passing a law that prohibits unmarried couples from living together? (That was a trick question. There are already places where this is illegal, such as here, and formerly, here. Not coincidentally, the court that overturned the North Carolina law cited the finding in Lawrence v Texas that “the government has no business regulating relationships between two consenting adults in the privacy of their own home.” It is a slippery slope, indeed.)

And why stop with unmarried people, since the objective is to ensure that every single one of us has been adequately conformed to God’s Design for the Parts of the Human Organism? Mandatory Viagra!

A new curious phrase has been introduced to the conversation: “The grounding foundation of marriage–the unique psychosomatic unity possible only between one man and one woman in conjugal sex.”

If this is the grounding foundation of marriage (as opposed to the usual one of a promise to care for each other, for better or for worse, until death do you part), then we need to be having bedroom checks to make sure this is actually what’s going on. Apparently, there are married men and women who are having sex for purposes other than procreation, and are having sex in ways that I’m guessing do not embody a “unique psychosomatic unity.” I know this because Virginia still maintains laws prohibiting these things, despite such laws’ evident unconstitutionality.

I have the feeling that Sophrosyne and Co. are reading much of what I’ve suggested as the next steps down this slope, and are nodding their heads in agreement that these are wonderful ideas for “defending the family.”

But darn, those pesky facts are getting in the way again. The fact is that people are not interchangeable widgets who can be shoehorned into what is essentially a theocratic, one-size-fits-all model of family. Any attempt to do so will inevitably harm real people and real families. There is no way of getting around that reality.

There is one more question, from a commenter (although I wouldn’t hold my breath waiting for an answer):

You never answer my question – why we can’t all co-exist with equal protection. Why must it be man-woman marriage with children or nothing?? That leaves no room for compromise, something many of us have always been willing and eager to pursue. Why must we risk our lives, homes, benefits, etc. to make your marriages safe?? Why should we trust the same activist judges you are worried about to protect our rights in a lawsuit from a distant, hostile family member. Especially since you don’t hate us…

It’s simple. We aren’t fully human to them.

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What’s the harm? A shorter lifespan for starters

While canvassing a concert in Leesburg, I encountered only two of roughly thirty people who actually supported the Marshall/Newman amendment. The first supporter explained that she would vote yes “for religious reasons.” She felt entitled to impose her personal religious beliefs on all Virginians. I left her with one thought.

I’d just like you to know that if this amendment passes, it will harm my family, and I don’t think that you intend to cause harm.

This statement usually ends the conversation, however the second proponent retorted:

You’re harming my family!

How so? A recent study of 67,000 adults revealed that those who never marry have a higher risk of premature death, and the risk is highest for younger people and people in good health. The risk is lower for those who are widowed, divorced or separated, but still present.

It should be obvious to even the most ardent supporters of the amendment that family formation is the heart of liberty. To devote your life and love to a life partner, to take care of another person and to be taken care of by that person, unconditionally is a precious gift. If that devotion is not “the pursuit of happiness”, people will be hard pressed to explain what is.

Empirical studies prove the benefits of pair bonding. If a shortened lifespan does not harm, what does? This is all the more reason to call this amendment what it really is: The anti-gay so-called “marriage amendment.”. And please, tell the press to call it what it is. The amendment forecloses our ability to petition for civil union or domestic partnership rights. It creates uncertainty, and it makes permanent a misguided policy that shortens our precious time here on this earth. It’s anti-gay, and it’s immoral.

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